Wednesday, 16 March 2011
Hikoi in Auckland
Thursday, 20 January 2011
Hone Harawira: Crunch time for Maori grumbles
Sunday Star Times
A FEW MONTHS ago my daughter said to me, “Dad, you know I’ll always vote for you, but I just can’t bring myself to vote for the Maori Party any longer. I don’t like what I see your mates doing, so I’m gonna vote for the Greens.”
That was a bit of a kick in the bum for me, having led the hikoi that gave birth to the Maori Party, but actually it wasn’t that unexpected. The rumblings of discontent have been growing for some time, and it’s election year now so we either deal with that discontent soon or we just might lose some votes come crunch time.
And we’ve been lucky really. We’re only six years old so everything about the Maori Party is still new – first Maori party in parliament, first Maori party in government, first ministers appointed to cabinet from a party voted in by Maori. And still the only independent Maori voice in parliament, although that independence is being increasingly questioned these days.
Thursday, 9 September 2010
Moana Jackson on new foreshore and seabed law
the Marine and Coastal Area (Takutai Moana) Bill
‘The question that must always be asked of legislation is not whether it is a legislative compromise or even whether it is practical, but whether it is just’. - Justice Thurgood Marshall, U.S. Supreme Court, 1970.
This Primer is part of material produced for hui within Ngati Kahungunu on the foreshore and seabed that began with the original proposals put forward on the issue by the last government in 2003.
It addresses some of the main parts of the new Marine and Coastal Area (Takutai Moana) Bill and asks questions about the new regime it establishes for the foreshore and seabed.
It tries to provide some context for the Bill by considering the grounds that have compelled Maori to so forcefully and consistently voice concern about the issue over the last several years - it considers the attempts the people have made to avoid being ‘beached’ by the various Crown proposals since 2003.
It also tries to apply the test for legislative legitimacy outlined by Justice Marshall and assesses whether the Bill is just.
It regrettably concludes that it is not.
It further concludes that the proposed Bill simply consolidates the main inequities of the 2004 Seabed and Foreshore Act that the Waitangi Tribunal found to be problematic in terms of Te Tiriti o Waitangi and the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination held to be racially discriminatory.
In that context the Prime Minister’s statement that the Bill will be a full and final settlement of the issue is simply inaccurate because rather than removing the injustice it actually compounds it.
Monday, 8 February 2010
Waitangi Day discussion: Sina Brown-Davis
Sina Brown-Davis
Whenua Fenua Enua Vanua
1) After almost three decades of Treaty of Waitangi settlements, of “biculturalism” and “partnership” between Maori and the Crown, Maori remain at the bottom of all social statistics, such as income, employment and life expectancy.
Why is this? And what can be done about it?
The settlement regime is a neoliberal extinguishment of land & Treaty rights. Its purpose was twofold, to co-opt & contain & pacify a radical treaty protest/land rights movement within the state’s neoliberal agenda.
Secondly, with Maori leadership focused on the settlement of historical grievances with the state, the vast majority of non tribal working class urbanized Maori were easy to be forgotten as the rubbish of structural adjustment.
Working class Maori still haven’t recovered from the extremist economic “reforms” of the eighties when an entire generation of Maori & Pacific Island children and youth has suffered under the reforms launched by the Labour government of 1984-90.
This is exactly what was intended way back when the treaty settlement process & fiscal envelope were touted and subsequently implemented.
Maori have already been kicked in the guts from the recession;
disproportionally we have already the highest percentage of recently unemployed.
Treaty settlements distracted us from our struggle, when our grassroots whanau were going to the wall. The great majority of our flax roots, our workers, our youth, our gang members and all our whanau at the bottom of the heap struggling to survive.
The most dispossessed in Aotearoa will have nothing to loose. The liberation of the great mass of our people will not come with more failed parliamentary reformism. If an economic structural adjustment put & kept our people on the bottom of the heap only a peoples’ structural adjustment (a revolution) will improve the negative social indicators & living standards of Maori.
The Maori Party’s cooption within the National government is completely opposed to the interests of the majority of Maori who are working class.
It seems foolish to try & enact a pro Maori agenda (albeit a conservative one) within an anti worker & anti environment government.
The recent Maori Party endorsement of Nationals ETS [Emissions Trading Scheme], put the interests of the dairy industry and the tribal capitalists of Iwi Corporations, ahead of duty to care for our environment & the survival of Indigenous peoples in the Pacific .
What to do? Working class Maori, our beneficiaries, our gang whanau, our youth need to educate themselves about their struggle & organise in their communities & workplaces. We can’t afford to think that any political party will represent our interests.
Self Determination can come from below, Tino Rangatiratanga will only be meaningful & lasting if it comes from below.
2) A huge amount of land stolen from Maori is now in private hands, but Treaty settlements only involve Crown land. Despite this, both National and Labour MPs have condemned the on-going occupation of privately owned land by members of Ngati Kahu in Taipa, Northland.
What are your views on this protest? Should privately owned land be part of Treaty settlements?
The sacred cow, middle-class property rights. Ripe for the picking. Occupations should increase & intensify, not only against privately owned land, but land & resources taken by transnational corporations.
Saturday, 6 February 2010
Waitangi Day discussion: Potaua Biasiny-Tule
Waitangi Day discussion: Hone Harawira
Friday, 5 February 2010
UNITYblog Waitangi Day discussion
Waitangi Day is supposed to celebrate the founding of the nation-state of New Zealand, but whereas Independence Day in the US (and many other former colonies) celebrates the end of colonial rule, Waitangi Day celebrates its beginning.
Because the promises made to Maori in the Treaty have not been honoured, and because the Treaty marks the formal beginning not of a partnership between Maori and the Crown, but of the dispossession of Maori by the Crown, Waitangi Day has often been a day of protest.
For me Waitangi Day will always be day to celebrate and reflect on Maori resistance to colonisation and the on-going struggle for tino rangatiratanga.
With this in mind, UNITYblog asked a number of tino rangatiratanga activists to give their views on these two (or four) questions:
1) After almost three decades of Treaty of Waitangi settlements, of “biculturalism” and “partnership” between Maori and the Crown, Maori remain at the bottom of all social statistics, such as income, employment and life expectancy. Why is this? And what can be done about it? 2) A huge amount of land stolen from Maori is now in private hands, but Treaty settlements only involve Crown land. Despite this, both National and Labour MPs have condemned the on-going occupation of privately owned land by members of Ngati Kahu in Taipa, Northland. What are your views on this protest? Should privately owned land be part of Treaty settlements?We’ll be posting responses from Saturday morning. If you’d like to contribute something to this discussion, you can either add a comment to this article, to the posts from other people, or email a contribution to the editor.
Saturday, 17 October 2009
October 15 solidarity in Otautahi / Christchurch
Friday, 3 July 2009
Victory for foreshore and seabed Hikoi
A government report, from a panel established as the result of the Maori Party's support deal with National, will lead to the scrapping of Labour's foreshore and seabed legislation. This is a victory for all of us who marched in the Hikoi in 2004. It's also an apparant vindication of the Maori Party's controversial decision to support the National-led government.
According to the NZ Herald:
http://www.nzherald.co.nz/maori/news/article.cfm?c_id=252&objectid=10581977&ref=rss
The report says Labour's law must go, but talks are needed over the new system. Maori tribes may be given legal title to parts of the foreshore and seabed separately or jointly with the Crown if the Government adopts the suggestions of its ministerial review panel. The panel's report, issued yesterday, describes the Foreshore and Seabed Act as severely discriminatory to Maori and "the single biggest land nationalisation statute enacted in New Zealand history".. "As we see it, once the respective rights have been resolved in any particular area of the foreshore and seabed, the beneficial and perhaps the legal title for the area would be held by the entitled hapu or iwi, or the Crown, or both jointly ... " The panel, chaired by former High Court judge Eddie Durie, said new policy should start with the assumption that hapu and iwi held customary title over the foreshore and seabed. It was an "open question" whether customary interests should be treated as exclusive ownership, complete with rights to income from commercial activities such as mining, and such a question could be addressed only through negotiations between the Government, the public and affected iwi.Hackles will be raised by talk of “exclusive ownership, complete with rights to income from commercial activities such as mining”. For some it will confirm suspicions that all those Maori want to do is make money. Such fears need to be kept in context. A key aim of Labour's seabed and foreshore law was to ensure the Crown's ownership of the seabed and foreshore was undisputed, so that it could profit from selling off the rights to these resources to fish farming and mining interests. It's neither surprising or outrageous that some Maori feel they should be entitled to a share of the proceeds. Maori, like the population in general, is divided between the rich and rest. The creation of a Maori middle class with jobs as consultants and bureaucrats and an elite of “corporate warriors” who managed the million-dollar assets of iwi corporations was a deliberate part of the Treaty Settlements in the 80s and 90s. Meanwhile the economic reforms and recessions of that time hit working class Maori hardest of all, adding to the legacy of colonialism and ongoing racism. Maori (again like everyone else) will also be divided over whether to preserve or pillage these resources, or whether the coast and sea should be seen as something more than just an economic resource. On this last question, capitalism's demand for resource-depleting economic growth clearly conflicts with Maori traditions of sustainable interaction with the natural world. These traditions are potential source of strength for all ecological activists.
Saturday, 16 August 2008
NBR, Robert Fisk, the media and Tuhoe
Tuesday, 15 July 2008
Treelords deal – an opportunity for flaxroots Maori to assert their rangatiratanga
Annette Sykes: The Sovereignty Debate? Has it been silenced?

Sunday, 6 July 2008
Hone Harawira on Maori health
Below are the notes for a formal speech Hone Harawira, MP for Te Tai Tokerau, was to give at the Public Health Association Conference Tapu Noa: Environmental, Physical or Both? in Waitangi, 1 July. As the meeting was held on a marae Hone spoke without notes, though covering many of the points made here.
Wednesday, 2 April 2008
Maori Party opposes FTA with China

Press statement: Hone Harawira,
Foreign Affairs spokesperson
1 April 2008
The Maori Party caucus has confirmed that they will oppose the Free Trade Agreement with China.
³There are many reasons why we oppose it,² said Foreign Affairs spokesperson Hone Harawira, ³but I guess you could sum it up by saying we support fair trade, rather than free trade.
³Like everyone else, we¹ve got big concerns about China¹s lack of respect for human rights and the environment, but we¹re also worried about our own government¹s unwillingness to take these issues up with China. Until we see progress, we will oppose this deal,² he said.
³On another level, Free Trade Agreements compromise our sovereignty by overriding domestic law,² said Harawira, ²and if China¹s repression of Tibet is any indication of their respect for the rights of indigenous people, then Maori have every right to be wary of giving them any special privileges here.
³We also recall fighting against other international trade agreements which would have breached the Treaty of Waitangi,² said Harawira, ³and we¹re concerned that the lack of consultation with tangata whenua means that this one will breach the Treaty as well.²
³And I¹m surprised at how quiet the unions seem to be about this, given that these agreements normally lead to a lowering of work standards and wage rates in the smaller nation.
³Although we¹re told there may be benefits for Maori, the downsides in terms of compromises to our sovereignty, threats to the status of the Treaty, the impact on work standards and wage rates, and China's lack of respect for human rights, indigenous rights, and the environment, mean the downsides of any Free Trade Agreement with China are simply unacceptable at this time,² said Mr Harawira.
Tuesday, 19 February 2008
Terror Raids Part 2 in Tuhoe country - DEMONSTRATION SATURDAY

Come to a peaceful protest organised to show solidarity with
the people whose homes were raided this morning by police, and the 3 men arrested and facing firearms charges.
Please bring banners, placards, noise makers etc.
12pm AOTEA SQUARE SAT 23RD FEBRUARY 2008
STOP THE RAIDS!
TELL EVERYONE PLEASE! This action by Police must not continue. Leave Tuhoe alone!
===
Silence = Consent
Chris Trotter in his column in the Sunday Star Times (February 3) detailed a list of things he thought had alienated the left and Labour's "working class base".
Trotter's list mentioned the war in Afghanistan, genetic engineering, the Foreshore and Seabed Act, the anti-smacking legislation.
However, Trotter's list has one very glaring omission.
By not mentioning last year's paramilitary actions targeting Maori and Environmental activists, Chris Trotter is guilty of ignoring an elephant in the living room.
In his ongoing silence on this issue, Chris Trotter is only continuing the open support he gave to these extreme attacks before the terror charges spectacularly failed.
From the start, Chris Trotter was a strident and vocal supporter of the 'Terror Raids'. From his prominent pulpit in the media, this self described "leftist" abandoned the principle of Habeas Corpus in favour of condemnation by media.
But the evidence of any terrorist activity was not forthcoming. Chris Trotter has refused to say if he still supports these unjust and brutal attacks on Maori and Leftist activists.
However, Chris Trotter's silence is an answer in itself.
As the old German saying goes; "Keine Antwort is auch eine Antwort." the rough translation being: No answer is also an answer. Meaning "Silence gives Consent".
In his blindness on this issue, Chris Trotter in the same article wondered why talk-back critics of Helen Clark mention her severe style of hair and clothing. What he is not admitting that body language and looks often speak to people. And that Helen Clark's strict and often harsh look, allied with her government's recent brutal actions, are very unsettling to a lot of people at an emotional level.
No doubt the image make over experts will try and soften Helen Clark's appearance for the upcoming election. But the damage to her and Labour's image is, unfortunately for them, probably irreparable.
Tuesday, 1 January 2008
Hone Harawira on Maori health
Below are the notes for a formal speech Hone Harawira, MP for Te Tai Tokerau, was to give at the Public Health Association Conference Tapu Noa: Environmental, Physical or Both? in Waitangi, 1 July. Kia ora koutou katoa
On this day in 1842, the governor's newspaper Te Karere o Niu Tireni, made the following comment:
"...e hoa ma, kua wareware pea koutou ki te pukapuka i tuhituhia ki Waitangi, i roto i taua pukapuka ka waiho nga kauri katoa, nga awa, nga aha katoa ma te tangata Maori hei aha noa atu ki a ia."
[Translation] "...friends, perhaps you have forgotten that document written at Waitangi where in that document all the kauri, the rivers, everything is left to the Maori to do with as he wishes."
Three years later, the British launched a full-blown assault on Kawiti's pa at Ohaeawai, with cannon and troops outnumbering Kawiti's followers by six to one.
Thirty years later, troops were rampaging through the central North Island, looting, pillaging, stealing and killing, and they were so successful in their campaign of death and destruction that by 1 July 1900, a memorial was erected in Auckland to "the dying Maori race".
We tried retreating to our papakainga to survive, we tried new religions, we tried our own parliament, we created our own monarchy, we tried living like white folks, we tried hiding our culture, we accepted having our language thrashed out of us, we adopted Pakeha names, we gave our lives in every overseas conflict this country has ever been involved in, hell, for the last 120 years we even taught ourselves to vote for Pakeha political parties and to deny our own right to self determination all in the name of survival.
So when I hear Michael Cullen and John Key say that war never happened in Aotearoa, all I know is that if it wasn't war that killed off generations of my people and deprived us of millions of acres of our own land, then it¹s been a pretty rat-shit peace we've had to live with for the last one hundred years.
And when I hear Michael Cullen and John Key say that war never happened in Aotearoa, I would dearly love to offer them some of the peace my people have had to suffer.
And yet, I know that here, at this conference, I'm talking to the converted.
I know that people at this conference will understand me when I condemn this nation's decision to pursue corporate profit at the expense of an ever-increasing population of the poor.
And I know you'll understand me when I tell you how angry I get when I realise that in this era of multi-billion dollar surpluses:
- we still have kids being hospitalised and dying from the symptoms of poverty;
- we still have families forced to live in damp, mouldy and unheated houses, making illnesses like asthma, pneumonia and bronchitis worse; and
- we still have too many families forced to live in cowsheds, caravans, garages, vans, and even car crates.
And I know you'll also understand how angry I get at power companies charging exorbitant rates, and cutting off power to poor families, and I know too that you know that when the power gets cut off:
- the fridge turns off, food spoils, milk curdles, and people get sick trying to eat kai they should have chucked out;
- families turn to dangerous ways of heating, cooking and lighting starting fires in old cracked chimneys, bringing old gas-fired BBQ¹s inside to cook, and putting candles in unsafe places for lighting;
- and people die.
And here, in these lush surroundings, here at the birthplace of the nation, right up the Waitangi river, I can also tell you that we have our own horror stories:
- of kaimoana beds draped in condoms, tampons, faeces and toilet paper because the local authority wouldn't fix the breaks in the sewage lines;
- of people being so poor that in spite of the pollution, they eat kaimoana because they have no other food, and their kids end up in hospital with a sore stomach;
- of water-quality so poor that you wouldn't let your dog drink it;
- and of pollution of kai moana in Northland caused by farm run-off, septic tanks, boaties, and failed sewerage systems, being so bad that the Northland Medical Officer of Health has actually described it as "crapping in our own food basket".
The challenge for the PHA is how to improve the health of all New Zealanders, and the challenge for Maori is how to improve the health of our own people.
How do we show leadership in public health?
How do we promote wellbeing instead of just fighting sickness?
How do we support research that will have a positive impact on public health?
Well, if I might be so bold as to say so, let me first give credit to the Maori renaissance of the 70s and the 80s for much of the turnaround in Maori thinking.
Let me also credit the Maori Protest Movement for providing us with much of the medicine we needed to ease the pain of past suffering, and let me pay homage to heroes like Syd Jackson, Whina Cooper and Eva Rickard for reigniting that fighting spirit within Maoridom, and challenging us to overcome all adversity, and to be proud, to be positive, and to be winners.
Because prior to those times, too many of us were happy to let our lives be determined by somebody else.
Nga Tamatoa changed all that in the seventies by refusing to nod, and by refusing to accept our status as second-class citizens, good for playing guitars, driving bulldozers, and for being happy with nothing. They woke us up.
The Maori Language petition in 1972, led by people who could hardly speak the language, but which led to the Maori Broadcasting Act, Maori Radio and Maori Television they normalised Maori language, and created the avenue for the whole world to appreciate beautiful Maori music.
The 1975 Land March not one acre more forced Maori to realise how much we had lost and how much we were still losing, and forced the government to establish the Waitangi Tribunal to consider the massive land alienations.
The marches to Waitangi challenged the nation to recognise the importance of the Treaty to our whole society, and challenged Maoridom to make the Treaty a central plank in our lives.
The Kohanga Reo Movement which gave the language back to our mokopuna, and gave birth to Kura Kaupapa, Wharekura and Wananga in the 80s and the 90s.
Sure there were blips.
In 2003, Don Brash confirmed what we always knew that National had no time for Maori, and I'll remind everybody here tonight, that for all of John Key's charisma and smiles, not one of the anti-Maori proposals put forward by Don Brash have been dropped, not one.
And the Takutaimoana Hikoi in 2004 made us realise that in the fight to hang desperately onto the Pakeha vote, Labour would follow the same path by seeking to limit the role of the Treaty, downsize government commitment to Maori people, take Maori language out of schools, take the Treaty out of the curriculum, and vote to take the Treaty out of all legislation.
But what the Foreshore and Seabed March did do though, was give birth to the Maori Party an opportunity for a strong and independent Maori voice in parliament, and believe me when I tell you that if it hadn't been for Tariana Turia pushing it, I guarantee that in the current climate, the TREATY CLAUSE would not have seen the light of day in the revised Public Health Bill issued last week.
So I see hope in our future.
I see hope in my tuahine Paparangi Reid, Te Rarawa by heritage, Tumuaki of the Faculty of Medical and Health Sciences at the University of Auckland by profession, Public Health Champion of 2007, and foundation member of the Kawariki by choice correctly calling this government's attempts to remove Treaty clauses, as being part of the movement against equity set in chain by Don Brash, and continuing through to this day in all spheres of government endeavor.
I see hope in the Maori caucus of Healthcare Aotearoa protesting against the decision to remove Treaty clauses from health plans.
I see hope in Peace Movement Aotearoa taking Treaty issues to the United Nations Committee for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination.
I see hope in the Public Health Association telling the Select Committee that a Public Health Bill without the Treaty clause, would not only result in a clouded and confused approach to Maori involvement in health, but also be seen as institutional racism, enshrined in government legislation.
I see hope in the Child Poverty Action Group legally challenging the government to end discrimination against those 150,000 kids living in poverty and denied support through the Working for Families package.
I see hope in the fight to cut back on pokie machines and alcohol outlets in our poorer communities, and I see hope in the efforts of the smoke-free groups to battle the tobacco giants, and free our people from an addiction that kills 4,700 Kiwis every year.
And I see hope in gatherings like this, accepting the challenges, setting aside our fears, and having the courage to set a course that leads to good health, good attitude, good decision-making, and the opportunity to realise our dreams.
"Happy are those who dream dreams, and a re prepared to pay the price to make those dreams come true."
Rawiri Taonui: Cullen's Waitangi deal too late to swing Maori votes
Annette Sykes: The Sovereignty Debate? Has it been silenced?

by Annette Sykes
from Indigenous Intelligence Review
The
These efforts and the sovereign status of tribes themselves has been attacked for many years by successive legislators with the spectacular Ruatoki raids of last year perhaps illustrating the depth of opposition that exists in the hearts and minds of the enforcers of state power, as responses that are neither pragmatic nor permissible in modern democracies of the kind that New Zealand settler state has promoted.
Bedeviled by contradictory pronouncements on their jurisdictional authority, and besieged by assaults on their tribal status,
How so one might ask? The large natural groupings policy of the Crown has now subtly been adapted to one of large corporate entities. The regionalization debate that results raises questions about the scope of tribal jurisdiction in the Central North Island region, in which the territorial jurisdiction traditionally defined as the mana whenua or jurisdicitional authority of tribal groups is blurred and will be largely absent as corporate entities designed by the state but implemented by the new friends of the state, the co-opted brown largely male bureaucracy take control of the spoils of the modern war of words, the so called negotiated settlements, which have been muted by the quiet discourse with Treasury officials in the corridors of power far from the hue and cry of the tribal institutions on marae and wananga.
But what is emerging is more than an intellectual discussion around traditional concepts of boundaries, ahi-kaa and ringa kaha. What the Central North Island tribes will have to confront is whether the corporate models of management that are being installed over their lands are the kinds of tribal government models that their tipuna had in mind when they promoted the Whitu Tekau or the Komiti nui o Ngati Whakaue. Are these the kinds of tribal government arrangements that respect all rangatira in the tribal community women and children alike and ensure an active participation by those affected by decision making processes around land use and benefit distribution.
These developments threaten to make local tribal governments largely irrelevant in the modern context too in the provision of funding and services to their tribal members as decisions become more and more centred at regional and national levels, and have the potential to severely undermine tribal self-determination and the government-to-government relationship of tribes to the New Zealand Government if there are not immediate steps taken to ensure the accountability of the self-appointed management regimes to those that they purport to represent. What Maori themselves in the Central North Island need to also confront is whether these arrangements will deliver change to communities that are so desperate for revitalisation or will just be harbringer of a further death knoll that has seen the vast populations of the area travelling away from the embrace of their tribal territories to places in foreign shores to ensure that the well being of their whanau is maintained.
I felt compelled to respond today after reading a number of articles from both sides of the divide. Those that have joined the CNI, those that have been excluded from the CNI and those that do no want to be part of an initiative but have fallen in the cracks of tribal dissent and disharmony. What is concerning is that the debate has been largely framed around the legacy that the Treaty of Waitangi Settlements policies will bring to the peoples of the region rather than around whether those policies themselves actively protect the right of self government that was promised to Maori in the Treaty of Waitangi or transform that promise into one where Maori become players in a market driven philosophy centred on wealth creation rather than the health and well being of Maori communities.
Wednesday, 14 November 2007
Defend free speech - defend the Urewera 17
"...soon as the cops round the buggers up and treat them as criminals the better..."- Labour cabinet minister Shane Jones (right) shows an admirable devotion to the principles of free expression and "innocent until proven guilty".








