Showing posts with label Maori. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Maori. Show all posts

Wednesday, 16 March 2011

Hikoi in Auckland

 
Hikoi Takutai Moana passed through Tamaki Makaurau / Auckland today, March 16.

100 people gathered at the bottom of Queen Street, with the march swelling to nearer 200 as it made its way slowly up Auckland’s main drag.

Speakers emphasised that an important reason for opposing old (Labour) and new (National) versions of the seabed and foreshore laws both was to protect the moana from mining and oil drilling.

It is worth remembering that many now iconic struggles, such as the protests of Nga Tama Toa or the occupations at Raglan and Bastion Point were initiated by small groups, who were dismissed by many Maori leaders of the day.

Although small in number, the hikoi was large in spirit and voice, the sound of wiata and haka echoing off the high-rises. No doubt the political reverberations will still be heard on election day and beyond.

Thursday, 20 January 2011

Hone Harawira: Crunch time for Maori grumbles

By Hone Harawira
Sunday Star Times

A FEW MONTHS ago my daughter said to me, “Dad, you know I’ll always vote for you, but I just can’t bring myself to vote for the Maori Party any longer. I don’t like what I see your mates doing, so I’m gonna vote for the Greens.”

That was a bit of a kick in the bum for me, having led the hikoi that gave birth to the Maori Party, but actually it wasn’t that unexpected. The rumblings of discontent have been growing for some time, and it’s election year now so we either deal with that discontent soon or we just might lose some votes come crunch time.

And we’ve been lucky really. We’re only six years old so everything about the Maori Party is still new – first Maori party in parliament, first Maori party in government, first ministers appointed to cabinet from a party voted in by Maori. And still the only independent Maori voice in parliament, although that independence is being increasingly questioned these days.

Thursday, 9 September 2010

Moana Jackson on new foreshore and seabed law

A further primer on the foreshore and seabed
the Marine and Coastal Area (Takutai Moana) Bill


Formatted printable version


8 September 2010

‘I once spoke of our people who have their mana attacked being like a beached whale struggling to live … what I say now is to remember how often the sea casts the whale on the shore’. - Te Ataria, 1889.

‘The question that must always be asked of legislation is not whether it is a legislative compromise or even whether it is practical, but whether it is just’. - Justice Thurgood Marshall, U.S. Supreme Court, 1970.


  • Abstract



  • This Primer is part of material produced for hui within Ngati Kahungunu on the foreshore and seabed that began with the original proposals put forward on the issue by the last government in 2003.

    It addresses some of the main parts of the new Marine and Coastal Area (Takutai Moana) Bill and asks questions about the new regime it establishes for the foreshore and seabed.

    It tries to provide some context for the Bill by considering the grounds that have compelled Maori to so forcefully and consistently voice concern about the issue over the last several years - it considers the attempts the people have made to avoid being ‘beached’ by the various Crown proposals since 2003.

    It also tries to apply the test for legislative legitimacy outlined by Justice Marshall and assesses whether the Bill is just.

    It regrettably concludes that it is not.

    It further concludes that the proposed Bill simply consolidates the main inequities of the 2004 Seabed and Foreshore Act that the Waitangi Tribunal found to be problematic in terms of Te Tiriti o Waitangi and the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination held to be racially discriminatory.

    In that context the Prime Minister’s statement that the Bill will be a full and final settlement of the issue is simply inaccurate because rather than removing the injustice it actually compounds it.  
    - Moana Jackson

    Monday, 8 February 2010

    Waitangi Day discussion: Sina Brown-Davis

    Sina Brown-Davis Whenua Fenua Enua Vanua 1) After almost three decades of Treaty of Waitangi settlements, of “biculturalism” and “partnership” between Maori and the Crown, Maori remain at the bottom of all social statistics, such as income, employment and life expectancy. Why is this? And what can be done about it? The settlement regime is a neoliberal extinguishment of land & Treaty rights. Its purpose was twofold, to co-opt & contain & pacify a radical treaty protest/land rights movement within the state’s neoliberal agenda. Secondly, with Maori leadership focused on the settlement of historical grievances with the state, the vast majority of non tribal working class urbanized Maori were easy to be forgotten as the rubbish of structural adjustment. Working class Maori still haven’t recovered from the extremist economic “reforms” of the eighties when an entire generation of Maori & Pacific Island children and youth has suffered under the reforms launched by the Labour government of 1984-90. This is exactly what was intended way back when the treaty settlement process & fiscal envelope were touted and subsequently implemented. Maori have already been kicked in the guts from the recession; disproportionally we have already the highest percentage of recently unemployed. Treaty settlements distracted us from our struggle, when our grassroots whanau were going to the wall. The great majority of our flax roots, our workers, our youth, our gang members and all our whanau at the bottom of the heap struggling to survive. The most dispossessed in Aotearoa will have nothing to loose. The liberation of the great mass of our people will not come with more failed parliamentary reformism. If an economic structural adjustment put & kept our people on the bottom of the heap only a peoples’ structural adjustment (a revolution) will improve the negative social indicators & living standards of Maori. The Maori Party’s cooption within the National government is completely opposed to the interests of the majority of Maori who are working class. It seems foolish to try & enact a pro Maori agenda (albeit a conservative one) within an anti worker & anti environment government. The recent Maori Party endorsement of Nationals ETS [Emissions Trading Scheme], put the interests of the dairy industry and the tribal capitalists of Iwi Corporations, ahead of duty to care for our environment & the survival of Indigenous peoples in the Pacific . What to do? Working class Maori, our beneficiaries, our gang whanau, our youth need to educate themselves about their struggle & organise in their communities & workplaces. We can’t afford to think that any political party will represent our interests. Self Determination can come from below, Tino Rangatiratanga will only be meaningful & lasting if it comes from below. 2) A huge amount of land stolen from Maori is now in private hands, but Treaty settlements only involve Crown land. Despite this, both National and Labour MPs have condemned the on-going occupation of privately owned land by members of Ngati Kahu in Taipa, Northland. What are your views on this protest? Should privately owned land be part of Treaty settlements? The sacred cow, middle-class property rights. Ripe for the picking. Occupations should increase & intensify, not only against privately owned land, but land & resources taken by transnational corporations.

    Saturday, 6 February 2010

    Waitangi Day discussion: Potaua Biasiny-Tule

    Potaua Biasiny-Tule Tangatawhenua.com 1) After almost three decades of Treaty of Waitangi settlements, of “biculturalism” and “partnership” between Maori and the Crown, Maori remain at the bottom of all social statistics, such as income, employment and life expectancy. Why is this? And what can be done about it? Why? Because the system of European invasion and colonisation shifted the fundamental way of living for Maori and the continued occupation of Aotearoa by New Zealand means that many Maori will unduly carry the burdens of history at least until the day that some things are made right. Many do see the Settlement process as unfair and my experience within that system says that political expediency, legal over-extension and inter-tribal out-maneuvering errs dangerously on the side of continued grievances but the story must be told, the hurt expressed and some amount of sorrow let out. This is all a part of letting go of the pain and the hurt and then looking back, as a community and as a nation, to assess where things are today. Idiots like Michael Laws aside, there is a genuine want to bring compassion and understanding to the injustices of the past and like those who fell in the World Wars, there is usually a feeling to forgive and in some instance, not to forget. But this shouldn’t stop us from opening the past, today. The Waitangi Tribunal is one of the few places where the many sides do come together to air out our nations dirty laundry – what better place – so that all might help with the clean up. And we must remember – it is not just Maori at the bottom of our society. I have met many Pakeha, Samoan, South African and Indian families who just survive week to week. The cost of things in New Zealand are high, compared to the amount of money many of us earn. One emergency, like a family bout of flu, has the ability to knock everything out – the bills pile up, the red notices arrive, anxiety soars. This is a condition that all live with and everyone should be thinking more about. We are here in this land of plenty, this land of milk and honey, yet poverty still plagues hundreds and thousands of our communities. I don’;t know the answer and look forward to others suggesting what we can do to lift the entire level. As for the the relationship between Maori and the Crown. Many Maori flocked to catch a glimpse of Prince William recently; it seemed ironic that he was here to open the Supreme Court but the Royals still find followers in some Maori households. Hospitality aside, I think it is time for our own statement of autonomy and independence, positioning Aotearoa-New Zealand outside of the Crowns grasp and more responsive to the population who live here. There should be less and less old school, colonial defenses for the NZ Govt to hide behind and more reasons for a local Constitution to determine how we control ourselves and more importantly, how we can control our own Government. It does seem tyrannical to think that successive Governments can ignore their own Commissions and Legal Recommendations. Perhaps the campaign for binding citizens referendum should be picked up again? The Iwi Leaders Forum is attempting to match this National Government, especially on matters pertaining to the ownership of water (here in Rotorua, it is still strange to hear that Te Arawa own the lakes but not the water) but are catching criticism for channeling information arouind the review of the Seabed and Foreshore Act. Wasn’t the SB & FS Hikoi a response by whanau, hapu AND iwi to stop the Government from stealing Maori coastal lands and to ensure legal mechanisms for challenge remained open? I guess this is all a part of the criticism around iwi entities that utilise settlement money’s to control feedback and voice. My 5 cents worth is that Labour were wrong in passing the Act and a full repeal is required - start again rather than trying to fix a shonky ship. The future needs first to agree on language, as this Government/Crown dichotomy is false and perpetuates the framework many of us examine. 2) A huge amount of land stolen from Maori is now in private hands, but Treaty settlements only involve Crown land. Despite this, both National and Labour MPs have condemned the on-going occupation of privately owned land by members of Ngati Kahu in Taipa, Northland. What are your views on this protest? Should privately owned land be part of Treaty settlements? Tautoko. For me, stolen land is stolen land, no matter who lives on there now. This is tough as Maori desperately want to return home, to be reconnected with the land beneath our feet and to feel the sky upon our shoulders. It has been a tough 170 years, and for some, even longer. My people of Tuhoe lament the confiscation of our tribal lands everyday and to us, it does not matter that the Urewera National Park is a national treasure – first and foremost it was our home and was illegally and immorally stolen from our people. We treasure its place as a world heritage site but the world must respect the fact that these lands were dispossessed and it is these lands, not huge sums of money, that must be returned. It might not be comfortable but it is only right. I tautoko Ngati Kahu and all those hapu who are forced to noho whenua in the face of private property issues and historical ignorance. The minute we give up is the second FOR SALE signs go up across all Maori land. Many want us to sell or give up our rights as private property forms the basis of western capitalism. The property crash only highlighted that fact. We have to keep fioghting just to ensure our whanau continue to have a place to stand in this land. My view for Waitangi Day is always mixed – it is a day to celebrate, to openly come together and to show we can live up to the talk of tolerance, inclusiveness and living in this country as one, yet uniquely ourselves. What continues to piss me off is the inability to feel the change that so many of our leaders talk about. I want the past to be addressed and remembered for what it was but also want to imagine what a better tomorrow might look like. As a whanau, we want to be able to find work that is good for us and that we are good at, to earn what our whanau in Oz earn but with all the benefits of staying home in this beautifully clean and fresh land, We want to be able to swim in clean waters, to have access to affordable health care and to be respected when practicing my beliefs (which is about respecting nga atua). I’ve tried to say that this year I will spend more time with my wife and kids and will try to be positive, to keep my head up and remain focused. Sure, it’s a bit ideal but way better than being bitter and spiteful. Besides, we can still smile as we fight the good fight.

    Waitangi Day discussion: Hone Harawira

    Hone Harawira, Maori Party MP for Tai Tokerau
    1) After almost three decades of Treaty of Waitangi settlements, of “biculturalism” and “partnership” between Maori and the Crown, Maori remain at the bottom of all social statistics, such as income, employment and life expectancy. Why is this? And what can be done about it? A few reasons why government(s) continue to triumph in the war against TINO RANGATIRATANGA are (1) they co-opt the phraseology and water it down or (2) they make out like they accept the idea, they include it in their “thinking”, and then they drown it in their bureaucratic cesspit and (3) they co-opt the people. A few reasons why we are losing the battle are (1) because it’s hard to fight a big government when you don’t have genuine unity (2) because Maori have become sooooo educated that we think the pakeha way is the only way and that when the pakeha government says something should be done a certain way we think a victory is when we’ve changed a few of their words and (3) all this IWI business has got too many Maori running around looking after only their own little patch, and forgetting the basic tenet that “no-one is free until everyone is free.” 2) A huge amount of land stolen from Maori is now in private hands, but Treaty settlements only involve Crown land. Despite this, both National and Labour MPs have condemned the on-going occupation of privately owned land by members of Ngati Kahu in Taipa, Northland. What are your views on this protest? Should privately owned land be part of Treaty settlements? I support the protest because justice isn’t served by simply returning one wheel of a stolen car (and to date, settlements are running at about 5% of the value of the claims). Where land was taken improperly and is now in private hands, government(s) should take steps to ensure either that land is returned, or suitable compensation is arranged. See the answers above for why we don’t get justice.

    Friday, 5 February 2010

    UNITYblog Waitangi Day discussion

    Waitangi Day is supposed to celebrate the founding of the nation-state of New Zealand, but whereas Independence Day in the US (and many other former colonies) celebrates the end of colonial rule, Waitangi Day celebrates its beginning. Because the promises made to Maori in the Treaty have not been honoured, and because the Treaty marks the formal beginning not of a partnership between Maori and the Crown, but of the dispossession of Maori by the Crown, Waitangi Day has often been a day of protest. For me Waitangi Day will always be day to celebrate and reflect on Maori resistance to colonisation and the on-going struggle for tino rangatiratanga. With this in mind, UNITYblog asked a number of tino rangatiratanga activists to give their views on these two (or four) questions:
    1) After almost three decades of Treaty of Waitangi settlements, of “biculturalism” and “partnership” between Maori and the Crown, Maori remain at the bottom of all social statistics, such as income, employment and life expectancy. Why is this? And what can be done about it? 2) A huge amount of land stolen from Maori is now in private hands, but Treaty settlements only involve Crown land. Despite this, both National and Labour MPs have condemned the on-going occupation of privately owned land by members of Ngati Kahu in Taipa, Northland. What are your views on this protest? Should privately owned land be part of Treaty settlements?
    We’ll be posting responses from Saturday morning. If you’d like to contribute something to this discussion, you can either add a comment to this article, to the posts from other people, or email a contribution to the editor.
    David UNITYblog editor

    Saturday, 17 October 2009

    October 15 solidarity in Otautahi / Christchurch

    Twenty five TÅ«hoe and supporters in Otautahi / Christchurch marched from Te Whare Roimata community centre to Cathedral Square on Thursday October 15, to mark the second anniversary of the police terror raids. As well as a protest against the police raids on the TÅ«hoe community of Ruatoki and houses around the country, the hikoi was a also a celebration of TÅ«hoe’s long and proud history of resistance. Small protests in that big Square often feel a bit gloomy, but not this time. With colourful banners and beautiful waitata TÅ«hoe showed how to protest in style.
    For more information on the October 15th 2007 raids, check out October 15th Solidarity, and the UNITYblog archives for October, November and December 2007.

    Friday, 3 July 2009

    Victory for foreshore and seabed Hikoi

    A government report, from a panel established as the result of the Maori Party's support deal with National, will lead to the scrapping of Labour's foreshore and seabed legislation. This is a victory for all of us who marched in the Hikoi in 2004. It's also an apparant vindication of the Maori Party's controversial decision to support the National-led government. According to the NZ Herald: http://www.nzherald.co.nz/maori/news/article.cfm?c_id=252&objectid=10581977&ref=rss
    The report says Labour's law must go, but talks are needed over the new system. Maori tribes may be given legal title to parts of the foreshore and seabed separately or jointly with the Crown if the Government adopts the suggestions of its ministerial review panel. The panel's report, issued yesterday, describes the Foreshore and Seabed Act as severely discriminatory to Maori and "the single biggest land nationalisation statute enacted in New Zealand history".. "As we see it, once the respective rights have been resolved in any particular area of the foreshore and seabed, the beneficial and perhaps the legal title for the area would be held by the entitled hapu or iwi, or the Crown, or both jointly ... " The panel, chaired by former High Court judge Eddie Durie, said new policy should start with the assumption that hapu and iwi held customary title over the foreshore and seabed. It was an "open question" whether customary interests should be treated as exclusive ownership, complete with rights to income from commercial activities such as mining, and such a question could be addressed only through negotiations between the Government, the public and affected iwi.
    Hackles will be raised by talk of “exclusive ownership, complete with rights to income from commercial activities such as mining”. For some it will confirm suspicions that all those Maori want to do is make money. Such fears need to be kept in context. A key aim of Labour's seabed and foreshore law was to ensure the Crown's ownership of the seabed and foreshore was undisputed, so that it could profit from selling off the rights to these resources to fish farming and mining interests. It's neither surprising or outrageous that some Maori feel they should be entitled to a share of the proceeds. Maori, like the population in general, is divided between the rich and rest. The creation of a Maori middle class with jobs as consultants and bureaucrats and an elite of “corporate warriors” who managed the million-dollar assets of iwi corporations was a deliberate part of the Treaty Settlements in the 80s and 90s. Meanwhile the economic reforms and recessions of that time hit working class Maori hardest of all, adding to the legacy of colonialism and ongoing racism. Maori (again like everyone else) will also be divided over whether to preserve or pillage these resources, or whether the coast and sea should be seen as something more than just an economic resource. On this last question, capitalism's demand for resource-depleting economic growth clearly conflicts with Maori traditions of sustainable interaction with the natural world. These traditions are potential source of strength for all ecological activists.

    Saturday, 16 August 2008

    NBR, Robert Fisk, the media and Tuhoe

    by Auckland union activist The National Business Review (NBR) attempt to belittle international prize winning journalist Robert Fisk for meeting with Tuhoe activists at a Glen Innes Marae, indirectly labeling him a traitor by calling him "Beirut Bob", a clear reference to such names as, Hanoi Hanna, or Tokyo Rose. However the NBR seems to target most of its bile at the rest of the New Zealand media for daring to stray from the anti-terror script and accuses them of "rapturous media sycophancy". Coming from one of the Washington's biggest war on terror sycophants in this country, it is, excuse the pun, a bit rich even for the NBR. Realising they may have lost this particular media battle,"Pity the nation" is the NBR's final bitter comment. Obviously the NBR are uncomfortable with any journalistic spotlight being shown on this particular scab on New Zealand's recent history, and would be far happier if their pro-war right wing journalism was the only voice allowed. The NBR berates the rest of the media here for not obeying the unwritten rules of self censorship that the 'International War on Terror' demands. See NBR's article Fisky business (15 August 2008)

    Tuesday, 15 July 2008

    Treelords deal – an opportunity for flaxroots Maori to assert their rangatiratanga

    UNITYblog editorial 15 July 2008 For Labour the $500 million “Treelords” settlement with central North Island Maori was a calculated attempt to win back Maori support in election year after a series of recent injustices perpetuated against Maori. It remains to be seen how successful they'll be. But whatever the motivation of Labour’s leaders, the Treelords deal has set a new precedent for Treaty settlements in terms of comprehensiveness and size. Other iwi and hapu will now push for similar sized settlements in the years ahead. Treaty settlements are going to remain an important battleground for Maori in their struggle to achieve justice in the 21st century. The question for Maori, is how will the resources gained under such settlements be managed and who will benefit? Maori activist and lawyer Annette Sykes believes the Treelords deal is underpinned by a “corporate model of management” which won’t see benefits flow to all Maori equally. In her article The Sovereignty Debate? Has it been silenced? she asks whether this model will “respect all rangatira in the tribal community, women and children alike, and ensure an active participation by those affected by decision making processes around land use and benefit distribution?” Sykes believes Central North Island iwi are at a “crossroads in their journey to protect their sovereignty and self-determination”. While there’s certainly a real danger of corporate capture, Treaty settlements like the Treelords deal could also be an opportunity for flaxroots Maori to assert their rangatiratanga. Truly public ownership of resources “by the people for the people” through hapu or iwi structures, or other democratic organisations would bring the most benefits to flaxroots Maori. The years ahead are likely to see struggles within Maoridom between the corporate model of management favoured by a Maori elite and flaxroots Maori who want to see equal distribution of resources and wealth, co-existing with sustainable management of the land. The outcome of that struggle could have a wider impact on all communities living in Aotearoa who are being battered and beaten by market forces. If wealth and resources coming to Maori through Treaty settlements were to be used in a co-operative, equitable and sustainable way then this would show other people living in this country what public ownership of resources might also mean for them. See also Rawiri Taonui: Cullen's Waitangi deal too late to swing Maori votes

    Annette Sykes: The Sovereignty Debate? Has it been silenced?


    by Annette Sykes
    from
    Indigenous Intelligence Review
    29 June 2008

    The Central North Island tribes have reached a crossroads in their journey to protect their sovereignty and self-determination. In recent decades these highly articulate tribal nations have been leaders in a number of political, legal and economic strategies that promote the recognition of individual tribal entities as sovereigns enjoying government-to-government relationships with the New Zealand Government. Their cries for self government having being made in forums from the Waitangi Tribunal through to the United Nations, and from the hallowed halls of political power in Wellington through to rank and file protests on the street and national hui in Turangi called to discuss the injustices of policies of the Crown that deny Maori their tino rangatiratanga.

    Sunday, 6 July 2008

    Hone Harawira on Maori health

    Below are the notes for a formal speech Hone Harawira, MP for Te Tai Tokerau, was to give at the Public Health Association Conference Tapu Noa: Environmental, Physical or Both? in Waitangi, 1 July.

    As the meeting was held on a marae Hone spoke without notes, though covering many of the points made here.

    Kia ora koutou katoa

    On this day in 1842, the governor's newspaper Te Karere o Niu Tireni, made the following comment:

    "...e hoa ma, kua wareware pea koutou ki te pukapuka i tuhituhia ki Waitangi, i roto i taua pukapuka ka waiho nga kauri katoa, nga awa, nga aha katoa ma te tangata Maori hei aha noa atu ki a ia."

    [Translation] "...friends, perhaps you have forgotten that document written at Waitangi where in that document all the kauri, the rivers, everything is left to the Maori to do with as he wishes."

    Three years later, the British launched a full-blown assault on Kawiti's pa at Ohaeawai, with cannon and troops outnumbering Kawiti's followers by six to one.

    Wednesday, 2 April 2008

    Maori Party opposes FTA with China




    Press statement: Hone Harawira,
    Foreign Affairs spokesperson
    1 April 2008






    The Maori Party caucus has confirmed that they will oppose the Free Trade Agreement with China.

    ³There are many reasons why we oppose it,² said Foreign Affairs spokesperson Hone Harawira, ³but I guess you could sum it up by saying we support fair trade, rather than free trade.

    ³Like everyone else, we¹ve got big concerns about China¹s lack of respect for human rights and the environment, but we¹re also worried about our own government¹s unwillingness to take these issues up with China. Until we see progress, we will oppose this deal,² he said.

    ³On another level, Free Trade Agreements compromise our sovereignty by overriding domestic law,² said Harawira, ²and if China¹s repression of Tibet is any indication of their respect for the rights of indigenous people, then Maori have every right to be wary of giving them any special privileges here.

    ³We also recall fighting against other international trade agreements which would have breached the Treaty of Waitangi,² said Harawira, ³and we¹re concerned that the lack of consultation with tangata whenua means that this one will breach the Treaty as well.²

    ³And I¹m surprised at how quiet the unions seem to be about this, given that these agreements normally lead to a lowering of work standards and wage rates in the smaller nation.

    ³Although we¹re told there may be benefits for Maori, the downsides in terms of compromises to our sovereignty, threats to the status of the Treaty, the impact on work standards and wage rates, and China's lack of respect for human rights, indigenous rights, and the environment, mean the downsides of any Free Trade Agreement with China are simply unacceptable at this time,² said Mr Harawira.

    Tuesday, 19 February 2008

    Terror Raids Part 2 in Tuhoe country - DEMONSTRATION SATURDAY




    Come to a peaceful protest organised to show solidarity with
    the people whose homes were raided this morning by police, and the 3 men arrested and facing firearms charges.

    Please bring banners, placards, noise makers etc.

    12pm AOTEA SQUARE SAT 23RD FEBRUARY 2008
    STOP THE RAIDS!

    TELL EVERYONE PLEASE! This action by Police must not continue. Leave Tuhoe alone!

    ===

    Silence = Consent

    Chris Trotter in his column in the Sunday Star Times (February 3) detailed a list of things he thought had alienated the left and Labour's "working class base".

    Trotter's list mentioned the war in Afghanistan, genetic engineering, the Foreshore and Seabed Act, the anti-smacking legislation.

    However, Trotter's list has one very glaring omission.

    By not mentioning last year's paramilitary actions targeting Maori and Environmental activists, Chris Trotter is guilty of ignoring an elephant in the living room.

    In his ongoing silence on this issue, Chris Trotter is only continuing the open support he gave to these extreme attacks before the terror charges spectacularly failed.

    From the start, Chris Trotter was a strident and vocal supporter of the 'Terror Raids'. From his prominent pulpit in the media, this self described "leftist" abandoned the principle of Habeas Corpus in favour of condemnation by media.

    But the evidence of any terrorist activity was not forthcoming. Chris Trotter has refused to say if he still supports these unjust and brutal attacks on Maori and Leftist activists.

    However, Chris Trotter's silence is an answer in itself.

    As the old German saying goes; "Keine Antwort is auch eine Antwort." the rough translation being: No answer is also an answer. Meaning "Silence gives Consent".

    In his blindness on this issue, Chris Trotter in the same article wondered why talk-back critics of Helen Clark mention her severe style of hair and clothing. What he is not admitting that body language and looks often speak to people. And that Helen Clark's strict and often harsh look, allied with her government's recent brutal actions, are very unsettling to a lot of people at an emotional level.

    No doubt the image make over experts will try and soften Helen Clark's appearance for the upcoming election. But the damage to her and Labour's image is, unfortunately for them, probably irreparable.

    Tuesday, 1 January 2008

    Hone Harawira on Maori health

    Below are the notes for a formal speech Hone Harawira, MP for Te Tai Tokerau, was to give at the Public Health Association Conference Tapu Noa: Environmental, Physical or Both? in Waitangi, 1 July.

    As the meeting was held on a marae Hone spoke without notes, though covering many of the points made here.

    Kia ora koutou katoa

    On this day in 1842, the governor's newspaper Te Karere o Niu Tireni, made the following comment:

    "...e hoa ma, kua wareware pea koutou ki te pukapuka i tuhituhia ki Waitangi, i roto i taua pukapuka ka waiho nga kauri katoa, nga awa, nga aha katoa ma te tangata Maori hei aha noa atu ki a ia."

    [Translation] "...friends, perhaps you have forgotten that document written at Waitangi where in that document all the kauri, the rivers, everything is left to the Maori to do with as he wishes."


    Three years later, the British launched a full-blown assault on Kawiti's pa at Ohaeawai, with cannon and troops outnumbering Kawiti's followers by six to one.

    Thirty years later, troops were rampaging through the central North Island, looting, pillaging, stealing and killing, and they were so successful in their campaign of death and destruction that by 1 July 1900, a memorial was erected in Auckland to "the dying Maori race".

    We tried retreating to our papakainga to survive, we tried new religions, we tried our own parliament, we created our own monarchy, we tried living like white folks, we tried hiding our culture, we accepted having our language thrashed out of us, we adopted Pakeha names, we gave our lives in every overseas conflict this country has ever been involved in, hell, for the last 120 years we even taught ourselves to vote for Pakeha political parties and to deny our own right to self determination ­ all in the name of survival.

    So when I hear Michael Cullen and John Key say that war never happened in Aotearoa, all I know is that if it wasn't war that killed off generations of my people and deprived us of millions of acres of our own land, then it¹s been a pretty rat-shit peace we've had to live with for the last one hundred years.

    And when I hear Michael Cullen and John Key say that war never happened in Aotearoa, I would dearly love to offer them some of the peace my people have had to suffer.

    And yet, I know that here, at this conference, I'm talking to the converted.

    I know that people at this conference will understand me when I condemn this nation's decision to pursue corporate profit at the expense of an ever-increasing population of the poor.

    And I know you'll understand me when I tell you how angry I get when I realise that in this era of multi-billion dollar surpluses:
    • we still have kids being hospitalised and dying from the symptoms of poverty;
    • we still have families forced to live in damp, mouldy and unheated houses, making illnesses like asthma, pneumonia and bronchitis worse; and
    • we still have too many families forced to live in cowsheds, caravans, garages, vans, and even car crates.

    And I know you'll also understand how angry I get at power companies charging exorbitant rates, and cutting off power to poor families, and I know too that you know that when the power gets cut off:

    • the fridge turns off, food spoils, milk curdles, and people get sick trying to eat kai they should have chucked out;
    • families turn to dangerous ways of heating, cooking and lighting ­ starting fires in old cracked chimneys, bringing old gas-fired BBQ¹s inside to cook, and putting candles in unsafe places for lighting;
    • and people die.

    And here, in these lush surroundings, here at the birthplace of the nation, right up the Waitangi river, I can also tell you that we have our own horror stories:

    • of kaimoana beds draped in condoms, tampons, faeces and toilet paper because the local authority wouldn't fix the breaks in the sewage lines;

    • of people being so poor that in spite of the pollution, they eat kaimoana because they have no other food, and their kids end up in hospital with a sore stomach;

    • of water-quality so poor that you wouldn't let your dog drink it;

    • and of pollution of kai moana in Northland caused by farm run-off, septic tanks, boaties, and failed sewerage systems, being so bad that the Northland Medical Officer of Health has actually described it as "crapping in our own food basket".

    The challenge for the PHA is how to improve the health of all New Zealanders, and the challenge for Maori is how to improve the health of our own people.

    How do we show leadership in public health?

    How do we promote wellbeing instead of just fighting sickness?

    How do we support research that will have a positive impact on public health?

    Well, if I might be so bold as to say so, let me first give credit to the Maori renaissance of the 70s and the 80s for much of the turnaround in Maori thinking.

    Let me also credit the Maori Protest Movement for providing us with much of the medicine we needed to ease the pain of past suffering, and let me pay homage to heroes like Syd Jackson, Whina Cooper and Eva Rickard for reigniting that fighting spirit within Maoridom, and challenging us to overcome all adversity, and to be proud, to be positive, and to be winners.

    Because prior to those times, too many of us were happy to let our lives be determined by somebody else.

    Nga Tamatoa changed all that in the seventies by refusing to nod, and by refusing to accept our status as second-class citizens, good for playing guitars, driving bulldozers, and for being happy with nothing. They woke us up.

    The Maori Language petition in 1972, led by people who could hardly speak the language, but which led to the Maori Broadcasting Act, Maori Radio and Maori Television ­ they normalised Maori language, and created the avenue for the whole world to appreciate beautiful Maori music.
    The 1975 Land March ­ not one acre more ­ forced Maori to realise how much we had lost and how much we were still losing, and forced the government to establish the Waitangi Tribunal to consider the massive land alienations.

    The marches to Waitangi challenged the nation to recognise the importance of the Treaty to our whole society, and challenged Maoridom to make the Treaty a central plank in our lives.

    The Kohanga Reo Movement which gave the language back to our mokopuna, and gave birth to Kura Kaupapa, Wharekura and Wananga in the 80s and the 90s.

    Sure there were blips.

    In 2003, Don Brash confirmed what we always knew ­ that National had no time for Maori, and I'll remind everybody here tonight, that for all of John Key's charisma and smiles, not one of the anti-Maori proposals put forward by Don Brash have been dropped,­ not one.

    And the Takutaimoana Hikoi in 2004 made us realise that in the fight to hang desperately onto the Pakeha vote, Labour would follow the same path ­ by seeking to limit the role of the Treaty, downsize government commitment to Maori people, take Maori language out of schools, take the Treaty out of the curriculum, and vote to take the Treaty out of all legislation.

    But what the Foreshore and Seabed March did do though, was give birth to the Maori Party ­an opportunity for a strong and independent Maori voice in parliament, and believe me when I tell you that if it hadn't been for Tariana Turia pushing it, I guarantee that in the current climate, the TREATY CLAUSE would not have seen the light of day in the revised Public Health Bill issued last week.

    So I see hope in our future.

    I see hope in my tuahine Paparangi Reid, Te Rarawa by heritage, Tumuaki of the Faculty of Medical and Health Sciences at the University of Auckland by profession, Public Health Champion of 2007, and foundation member of the Kawariki by choice ­ correctly calling this government's attempts to remove Treaty clauses, as being part of the movement against equity set in chain by Don Brash, and continuing through to this day in all spheres of government endeavor.

    I see hope in the Maori caucus of Healthcare Aotearoa protesting against the decision to remove Treaty clauses from health plans.

    I see hope in Peace Movement Aotearoa taking Treaty issues to the United Nations Committee for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination.

    I see hope in the Public Health Association telling the Select Committee that a Public Health Bill without the Treaty clause, would not only result in a clouded and confused approach to Maori involvement in health, but also be seen as institutional racism, enshrined in government legislation.

    I see hope in the Child Poverty Action Group legally challenging the government to end discrimination against those 150,000 kids living in poverty and denied support through the Working for Families package.

    I see hope in the fight to cut back on pokie machines and alcohol outlets in our poorer communities, and I see hope in the efforts of the smoke-free groups to battle the tobacco giants, and free our people from an addiction that kills 4,700 Kiwis every year.

    And I see hope in gatherings like this, accepting the challenges, setting aside our fears, and having the courage to set a course that leads to good health, good attitude, good decision-making, and the opportunity to realise our dreams.

    "Happy are those who dream dreams, and a re prepared to pay the price to make those dreams come true."

    Rawiri Taonui: Cullen's Waitangi deal too late to swing Maori votes

    by Rawiri Taonui Opinion piece in NZ Herald 3 July 2008 The $500 million Treelords settlement is a watershed in negotiation that raises more questions and claims than it settles. Treaty settlements have always struggled to be fair. The 80s Waiheke and Orakei settlements set a precedent that compensation would be a fraction of losses. The infamous 1994 Fiscal Envelope reaffirmed that by capping all settlements at $1 billion. Officially abandoned in 1996, the envelope remained in practice as new settlements were indexed against earlier ones. Compensation is 1 to 2 per cent of losses and returned lands minuscule, despite the several trillion dollars that have benefited generations of Pakeha from original theft. Maori are denied the same rights to natural resources such as coal, oil, natural gas and gold that are available in Australian and Canadian agreements. Successive governments strangled Waitangi Tribunal funding to smother a flood of findings against the Crown. Investigative processes are accordingly limited - the Muriwhenua report halted at 1865, the Taranaki report cut off at 1900. The Crown bullied the tribunal, threatening it with restructuring if it used resumption clauses to return forests and State Owned Enterprise assets. The late 80s surplus education and railway land settlement process negotiated amicably between the Maori Congress and Crown was set aside in favour of controlled negotiation through the Office of Treaty Settlements (OTS). But negotiation processes have been manipulative, funds distributed to facilitate iwi consultation sometimes sent to those favouring the Crown. Matters came to a head last year following the Waitangi Tribunal Te Arawa forestry and Ngati Whatua Auckland city reports indicting OTS on a litany of manipulative practice. Maori had begun deserting Labour in droves - the last Marae-DigiPoll suggests a Maori Party clean sweep of the Maori seats this election. Michael Cullen stepped into the portfolio and things changed. Operating rangatira-to-rangatira, as Doug Graham did in the 90s, Cullen opened doors, cut through red tape, removed obstacles and moved business forward. Treelords is the outcome. More than twice the value of any previous settlement Treelords sets multiple precedents. The average $70 million for each tribe, far exceeding that in regions such as Taranaki, will raise expectations in areas such as Northland where the five Muriwhenua tribes and Ngapuhi are yet to reach agreements. The return of 176,000ha makes Maori the largest forestry operators in the country, increases overall Maori ownership of land by nearly 8 per cent and is the first major return of contiguous land in accordance with UN standards. Maori forestry interests are set to grow as they have in fishing under Sealords. Economics aside, vested ownership of sea and land is integral to Maori identity. Maori will ask questions about returning the Department of Conservation estate. If we can return fisheries, lake beds and business forest why not the conservation estate? Agreements could be conditional; owned by Maori, co-managed with the Crown and National Parks in perpetuity. With $223 million in cash and $15 million rentals per year, Tuwharetoa, Tuhoe and Te Arawa emerge as new economic powerhouses alongside Ngai Tahu and Tainui. Maoridom will be better able to realise a long held goal to acquire strategic infrastructure and energy assets. No tribe can afford that alone, many tribes can together. Official settlement figures now top $1.41 billion thereby triggering the mid-90s Tainui and Ngai Tahu relativity clauses that promised an extra payment equal to 17 per cent of the total over $1 billion. Unfortunately, there are no guidelines for activating relativity. Labour is already backtracking. Cullen argues that adjusted for inflation we haven't reached a billion in "1994 dollars" - a rather hypocritical statement given that no settlements had ever been upwardly adjusted for inflation. Furthermore, Landcorp was caught out last year selling off Treaty lands tagged for settlements because property values had risen and settlement values indexed at 1994 hadn't. Cullen also stated that the $230 million Forest Rentals don't count as Treaty dollars, which is also odd given the 1989 Forestry Act explicitly sets aside rentals for Treaty settlements. Labour is trying to have it both ways - big deals to secure Maori seats, obfuscation of figures to dispel innate Pakeha fears about Maori getting too much. This is a further issue with uncounted dollars in agreements deliberately fudged for political purposes, and with 20 settlements to be finalised the end total will rise to around $2 billion. With a deadline on lodging claims in September this year, tribes without ratchet clauses will file claims. A founding principle of the Fiscal Envelope was that the level of one settlement should not be unfair to others; all tribes should receive equal relativity. Will Treelords help Labour at this year's election? The new direction may not be too little, but it is probably too late. The door may open ever so slightly to save the seats of Parekura Horomia and Nanaia Mahuta. However, one senses that Maori will see Treelords and foreshore arrangements currently being negotiated as election bribes, and, the Maori Party has exposed too many Labour weaknesses. Pakeha will appreciate the progress but are preoccupied with tax cuts and rising fuel and food costs to really bother. An admirable step forward toward better relationships between Treaty partners, Treelords won't change the outcome of the election. Dr Rawiri Taonui is head of the School of Maori and Indigenous Studies and kaiarahi (joint Maori adviser) at the College of Arts, University of Canterbury.

    Annette Sykes: The Sovereignty Debate? Has it been silenced?


    by Annette Sykes

    from Indigenous Intelligence Review

    29 June 2008


    The Central North Island tribes have reached a crossroads in their journey to protect their sovereignty and self-determination. In recent decades these highly articulate tribal nations have been leaders in a number of political, legal and economic strategies that promote the recognition of individual tribal entities as sovereigns enjoying government-to government relationships with the New Zealand Government. Their cries for self government having being made in forums from the Waitangi Tribunal through to the United Nations, and from the hallowed halls of political power in Wellington through to rank and file protests on the street and national hui in Turangi called to discuss the injustices of policies of the Crown that deny Maori their tino rangatiratanga.


    These efforts and the sovereign status of tribes themselves has been attacked for many years by successive legislators with the spectacular Ruatoki raids of last year perhaps illustrating the depth of opposition that exists in the hearts and minds of the enforcers of state power, as responses that are neither pragmatic nor permissible in modern democracies of the kind that New Zealand settler state has promoted.


    Bedeviled by contradictory pronouncements on their jurisdictional authority, and besieged by assaults on their tribal status, Central North Island tribes now face the threat of being swallowed up in "regionalization," if not eliminated altogether if they are not vigilant.


    How so one might ask? The large natural groupings policy of the Crown has now subtly been adapted to one of large corporate entities. The regionalization debate that results raises questions about the scope of tribal jurisdiction in the Central North Island region, in which the territorial jurisdiction traditionally defined as the mana whenua or jurisdicitional authority of tribal groups is blurred and will be largely absent as corporate entities designed by the state but implemented by the new friends of the state, the co-opted brown largely male bureaucracy take control of the spoils of the modern war of words, the so called negotiated settlements, which have been muted by the quiet discourse with Treasury officials in the corridors of power far from the hue and cry of the tribal institutions on marae and wananga.


    But what is emerging is more than an intellectual discussion around traditional concepts of boundaries, ahi-kaa and ringa kaha. What the Central North Island tribes will have to confront is whether the corporate models of management that are being installed over their lands are the kinds of tribal government models that their tipuna had in mind when they promoted the Whitu Tekau or the Komiti nui o Ngati Whakaue. Are these the kinds of tribal government arrangements that respect all rangatira in the tribal community women and children alike and ensure an active participation by those affected by decision making processes around land use and benefit distribution.


    These developments threaten to make local tribal governments largely irrelevant in the modern context too in the provision of funding and services to their tribal members as decisions become more and more centred at regional and national levels, and have the potential to severely undermine tribal self-determination and the government-to-government relationship of tribes to the New Zealand Government if there are not immediate steps taken to ensure the accountability of the self-appointed management regimes to those that they purport to represent. What Maori themselves in the Central North Island need to also confront is whether these arrangements will deliver change to communities that are so desperate for revitalisation or will just be harbringer of a further death knoll that has seen the vast populations of the area travelling away from the embrace of their tribal territories to places in foreign shores to ensure that the well being of their whanau is maintained.


    I felt compelled to respond today after reading a number of articles from both sides of the divide. Those that have joined the CNI, those that have been excluded from the CNI and those that do no want to be part of an initiative but have fallen in the cracks of tribal dissent and disharmony. What is concerning is that the debate has been largely framed around the legacy that the Treaty of Waitangi Settlements policies will bring to the peoples of the region rather than around whether those policies themselves actively protect the right of self government that was promised to Maori in the Treaty of Waitangi or transform that promise into one where Maori become players in a market driven philosophy centred on wealth creation rather than the health and well being of Maori communities.

    Wednesday, 14 November 2007

    Defend free speech - defend the Urewera 17

    EDITED TO ADD:
    "...soon as the cops round the buggers up and treat them as criminals the better..."
    - Labour cabinet minister Shane Jones (right) shows an admirable devotion to the principles of free expression and "innocent until proven guilty". In the wake of the collapse of the terror case against the Urewera 17, the police (and, possibly, the SIS) have been running around trying to pawn off their "evidence" on whichever media outlet is most keen for an old-fashioned lynching. First TV3, then the Herald on Sunday, and today the Dominion-Post. The only way to explain this contempt for the judicial process is that the cops have decided that they can't criminalise most or even all of the defendants in a court of law, and have decided that trial by media, smear and innuendo is the only way forward to achieve their aims. Socialist Worker has said from the beginning that the real agenda behind the terror raids was to criminalise radical dissent, particularly from Maori sovereigntists, ecological activists and anarchists. And if they can't manage that, they can at least try to line up public opinion behind a witchhunt. Witness the disgusting racist cartoons that appeared in yesterday's newspapers. The police and their media patsies want you to be disturbed that people were allegedly talking about assassinations or property damage. Unfortunately for the cops, while making plans to do any such thing is illegal, simply discussing it is not. This is why the Urewera 17 aren't up on "conspiracy to murder" or "conspiracy to damage property" charges - the police have nothing. The end goal of this media witchhunt is to gain public support for criminalisation of speech, thought and actions which aren't illegal yet. Do New Zealanders want to live in a country where even talking about certain subjects is illegal? That's the question we have to answer. If the Urewera 17 are branded with the scarlet letter of terrorism, how long before anyone who doesn't accept the current "rules of the game" are in the same boat? When will they come for Hone Harawira - or even Keith Locke? The only thing in the leaked "evidence" which is even close to being illegal under actual existing law is the possession of unlicenced firearms - and, rumour has it, "possession" is a very loose term for quite a few of the defendants. Regardless of whether we agree with their political ideas or strategy, all those who believe that there should be real political debate in this country should stand by the Urewera 17, and by the idea that thought and speech should not be criminalised or anathematised unless there's a damn good reason for it. The cheerleaders for state terror say that "there is no reason for violence in a democracy". Perhaps they might want to look at the social exclusion, exploitation and racism that underpins their vaunted "democracy for a few", and decide whether those who refuse to toe the line deserve to have state terror and media slander unleashed on them. Unpopular political speech is not, nor should it be, a crime. The job of the police is to prevent crime, not to engage in media witchhunts against people they just don't like.